Many of us have read about and studied the
16th President of the United States in high school or college and
may recall that he was described as one of the greatest, if not the greatest, presidents
of all. But how many of us realize the story of Abraham Lincoln is one of a
quest for eternal recognition that was fulfilled by natural leadership ability,
self-learning, relentless desire, and keen competitiveness? This is how I
realize the story of Abraham Lincoln as it is presented in the book, Team of
Rivals, The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln, by Doris Kearns Goodwin (2005).
The story of how Lincoln managed a presidential cabinet filled with characters
who were also once “his” rivals (one or two continued to be so) is the main
theme of this well written and easy-to-read book.
Abraham Lincoln, the (supposedly) little
known country lawyer from Illinois, had three adversaries for the nomination for
presidential candidate at the 1860 national convention of the newly organized
Republican Party. All three were quite well known nationally. Salman Chase was a
strict abolitionist and served as a governor of Ohio. Edward Bates, originally
eyeing retirement from many years as a lawyer and judge in Missouri, harbored
some sympathy towards the independent-minded, slave-holding Border States. The
most well-known of the three adversaries, William Seward (of Seward’s Folly
fame), was a former governor and U.S. Senator from New York. He was a long-time
abolitionist, but did not share the “radical” views that Chase endorsed.
Among his adversaries Lincoln, obviously, felt
he was relatively unknown; he served in the Illinois legislature and only one
term in the U.S. Congress. Outside of Illinois he may have been heard of in Indiana,
Missouri, and Kentucky (from where he and his family originated). But it was
certainly in Illinois he became known as the self-made country lawyer, the rail
splitter, and the story teller with a host of anecdotes on a wide variety of
subjects.
To make up for his lack of notoriety in
the national, political arena, Lincoln embarked on a circuit of speeches
throughout the country during most of 1860, most noticeably in the northeast.
Interestingly, Lincoln’s stance on national issues and the few, political
exploits before 1860, in their own time, drew commentary from many national
newspapers. And, so, publicity on the ventures of 1860 served to remind convention
delegates and (later) voters of the tall, lanky country lawyer from Illinois.
It was advantageous to Lincoln that delegates
at the 1860 Republican National Convention were divided as to whom they would choose
to go up against the Democratic candidate. They needed a leader who, as President,
would do the “right things” during the impending, crisis of southern secession
from the union. Lincoln’s surprise nomination on the third ballot obviously triggered
some action in the delegates; maybe their imagination or maybe their intuition.
The acclamation was unanimous.
In explaining Lincoln’s win at the
national Republican convention, the author relates that Lincoln had acquired
over time numerous, politically savvy allies; studied in earnest the attributes
and weaknesses of the competition; and practiced the keen attribute of delaying
his true intentions or decisions until the right moment. Each of his Republican
adversaries as well as the Democratic competition also made fatal, political
mistakes. For example, Seward was told by his campaign manager to take a trip
to Europe where he vacationed and met various heads of state. Chase, also self-assured,
had no campaign manager, and did little or no planning and campaigning, relying
on his obvious attributes and fame to get him nominated; and Bates, stifled by
his desire to stay home in Missouri with his close-knit family, was lax in
fortifying his campaign. The Democrats, meanwhile, seemed to be even more
divided than the Republicans on the prevailing national issues and, so, did not
provide suitable competition for the Presidential election of November 1860.
.
Following his victory in the national election
of 1860, Lincoln continued the use of his natural leadership ability and
political savvy to build a working administration. He insisted on incorporating
rivals (on many levels) to help him run the government. Lincoln did not want a
group of “yes” men; he wanted men who would not hesitate to express their
opinions, even to the point of arguing with their chief (which did occur on many
occasions). However, Lincoln made it clear he was making the decisions.
As for the most important members of the Lincoln
cabinet, the roll call included a list of very, able politicians. He asked
Seward to be Secretary of State; for Secretary of War, Edwin Stanton, a
nationally-known Washington D.C. lawyer who had snubbed Lincoln years before; for
Treasury, he wanted Chase; and for Attorney General, Bates. In my opinion, Seward was the most competent,
congenial, and most trusted member. Before Lincoln arrived in Washington, Seward
paved the way during those troubled times of 1861, which included secession of
many of the southern states and a military threat to Washington, itself.
Lincoln, however, was not without
frustration during the turbulent times of his first administration. On the
outset, his main frustration was with how the prosecution of the war in the East
would evolve during the first year. The East was the most vulnerable section of
the country in terms of the Union cause. The campaigns in the West resulted in
many victories for the Union; especially those involving General Ulysses S. Grant.
After approximately three years of dragging feet in the East, the Union Army of
the “Potomac” was placed under the command of Grant. Grant was also named what
we may call today, “supreme” commander of all the Union armies.
During the prosecution of the Civil War, The
Emancipation Proclamation originated and was submitted by Lincoln. Although it
served the greater good, it did not include the slave-holding, Border States
that remained undecided about secession. Lincoln also realized the Proclamation
could have been challenged legally. However, it served as a much needed (and highly
supported) war strategy that disrupted the southern effort and allowed fleeing
slaves to volunteer as (much-needed) Union soldiers. Future ratification of the
13th Amendment to the Constitution (after Lincoln’s death) would
serve as the key to freeing all the slaves forever.
Before and during the war, Lincoln’s home
life is described by the author in very good detail. Several incidents
involving Lincoln’s high-strung (blunt speaking) wife with the frequent
migraines are very interesting. In regards to his children, the stringent work
schedules, of both a lawyer and president, invoked the distant relationship he
had with his oldest son. The Lincolns lost their third son to illness. The
special bond with his fourth son (a second son died as an infant) characterizes
the more mature Lincoln as a warm and devoted father. Indeed, Father Abe was
the name given to Lincoln by the Union troops. This expression of love and
trust was also mirrored in Lincoln’s cabinet because, as the author notes, all
came to love or at least respect their commander-in-chief by the time of his
assassination in April 1865.
Lincoln’s political genius as president
was his ability for timing and getting people to do things without imposing his
will or reminding others he was boss. He keenly knew when to delay an order or proposal
until he felt the country (or individuals) was ready for it, much to the
frustration of his supporters. He was a shrewd politician; he knew the system;
he took advantage of the weaknesses of other candidates; he held his tongue
when necessary and spoke when the time was right. Whether he will be recognized
eternally, no one can say. But, as with each generation since his death, his
life and politics continue to be studied and redefined.
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